Shiur #17: Chapter 15 -Aviya, Assa, and Ba'sha ֠Civil War
Sefer
Melakhim:
The Book of Kings
By
Rav Alex Israel
Shiur
#17: Chapter 15: Aviya, Assa, and
Ba'sha Civil War
INTRODUCTION
This
week, we will examine the reign of two kings of Yehuda, Aviya and Assa. We will begin by charting the broad
contours of the events that transpired after Shlomo Ha-melekhs rule.
Our
starting point is a kingdom split and weakened by Yerovams revolt. Furthermore, the South was devastated
only five years later by Pharaoh Shishak, who seized several of the prize
national treasures of Shlomos era, while sparing Jerusalem itself.
Spiritually,
we can chart an interesting journey:
·
Rechavam
rules
for 17 years. In his reign, a
culture of idolatry and pagan practices prevail and accelerate. Ashera, kadesh, and
kedesha are among the illicit practices in Yehuda.
·
Aviya(m)
follows Rechavam with a 3 year reign.
Avoda zara continues unabated.
·
Assa
reigns for 42 years. He follows God
loyally, actively fighting idolatry and removing it and its accoutrements from
the kingdom. The driving force
behind the culture of avoda zara is the king's grandmother
Ma'acha from Ammon who clearly brought her Ammonite religious practices with
her from Ammon. She is removed from
the high position of Gevira.
Assa turns his attention to funding the Temple and boosting the service
of God.
In
other words, we see a decline both in terms of national security and in
religious loyalty after Shlomo.
King Assa represents a return to the correct
orientation.
But
there is a second story that flows through these chapters, namely the
internecine tension, or civil war, between the South and the
North.
There
was continual war between Rechavam and Yerovam. (14:30)
There
was war between Aviyam and Yerovam all the days of his life. (15:6)
There
was war between Assa and King Baasha of Israel all their days. (15:16)
If
we continue to read through chapter 15, we read that Assa is confronted with a
siege on his northern border.
Ba'asha had built a physical barrier to obstruct passage between the
North and the South. Assa manages
to suspend the conflict and bring it to a close by "hiring," or signing a
military pact with, the Aramean king Ben Hadad. As a result, Ben Hadad attacks the
Northern Kingdom and the siege is broken.
Interestingly, the next king of Yehuda Yehoshafat - is on exceptionally
friendly terms with the royal family of Yisrael, and their children marry one
another. Clearly, the tension
between the two kingdoms dissipated.
So
there are two stories to follow.
The first is the spiritual slump in Yehuda and the recovery from it; the
second story is the civil war that reaches its climax and conclusion during the
reign of King Assa.
AVIYA[1]
KING OF YEHUDA
(See
sources Melakhim I 15:1-8, Divrei Ha-yamim II
ch.13)
In
Sefer Melakhim, the reign of Aviya(m) could not be more
straightforward:
He
reigned three years in Jerusalem; his mother was Maachah daughter of
Avishalom. He continued in all the
sins of his father before him
yet for the sake of David, the Lord his God gave
him a lamp in Jerusalem, by raising up a descendent after him and by preserving
Jerusalem
There was war between Aviyam and Yerovam all the days of his
life.
(15:2-6)
Quite
uneventful! Although Aviya facilitates avoda zara and we might anticipate
his demise as a result, we are informed that God preserves the royal line of
David despite Aviyas guilt.
Divrei
Ha-yamim
presents an entirely different image.
There, we don't hear a word about Aviya's idolatry. Instead we read of a colossal war
between Yehuda and Yisrael, with 400,000 soldiers under Aviya and 800,000 under
Yerovam! The war begins with a rousing speech by Aviya:
Listen
to me, Yerovam and all Israel: Do you not know that the Lord God of Israel gave
the rule over Israel forever to David and his sons by a covenant of salt?[2]
Yet Yerovam ben Nevat, the servant of Shlomo the son of David, rose up and
rebelled against his master, and worthless men gathered about him, scoundrels,
who proved too strong for Rechavam, the son of Shlomo, when he was young and
timid and could not hold his own against them. So now you intend to resist the kingdom
of the Lord through the sons of David, being a great multitude and having with
you the golden calves which Yerovam made as gods for you. Have you not driven out the priests of
the Lord, the sons of Aharon, and the Levites, and made for yourselves priests
like the peoples of other lands?
But as for us, the Lord is our God and we have
not forsaken Him; and the sons of Aharon are ministering to the Lord as priests,
and the Levites attend to their work
Now behold, God is with us at our
head and His priests with the signal trumpets to sound the alarm against
you. O sons of Israel, do not fight
against the Lord, God of your fathers, for you will not succeed. (Divrei Ha-yamim II
13:4-12)
As
the story continues, Yerovam's troops surround and entrap Aviya's army
until:
When
Yehuda turned around and saw the fighting was before and behind them, they cried
out to God and the priests blew the trumpets
God routed Yerovam and all Yisrael
before Aviya and Yehuda. Yisrael
fled before Yehuda and God delivered them into their hands
500,000 men of
Yisrael were slain
Aviya pursued Yerovam and captured some of his cities
Beit-El
(ibid., 13:14-18)
Here
our questions begin. In this story,
not a word is spoken of Aviya's idolatry.
Furthermore, the perspective of these pesukim sees Aviya's victory
as evidence of God's support and backing.
Based on the account in Divrei Ha-yamim, I would come to the
conclusion that Aviya was a tzaddik, a flawless, God-fearing king! Why
does Divrei Ha-yamim depict Aviya in this manner? Indeed, why does God
assist him if he is, in fact, a corrupt and iniquitous king? Where does the
truth lie between Divrei Ha-yamim and Sefer
Melakhim?
Let
us first summarize the differences between the accounts:
- Divrei
Ha-yamim
completely omits the sins of this king.
- Sefer
Melakhim
ignores the details of the battle.
- Aviya's
mother is identified differently in each account. In Melakhim, his mother is
Maacha bat Avishalom; in Divrei Ha-yamim, she is Michayahu bat
Uriel.
- The
spiritual evaluation of Aviya seems to be diametrically opposed in each
source.
Yet
again, we return to the topic of the differential perspectives of these two
sefarim. As we have
mentioned in previous shiurim, Divrei Ha-yamim, was composed in
the historical context of the early Second Temple period. Its agenda is to boost the fledgling
community and Mikdash in Judea, and it therefore focuses on Yehuda, to
the exclusion of Yisrael, the Northern Kingdom. (In Ezra's time, there was only Yehuda,
as the Ten Tribes had not returned.) Ezra is interested in encouraging the
nation to value the Mikdash, to appreciate their impressive historical
mission and legacy, and to believe once again in their country. To this end, Divrei
Ha-yamim tells the story of the correctness of the religious institutions
of Yehuda the Temple, kohanim, and Jerusalem as opposed to the
reprehensible religious order of the Northern Kingdom. Divrei Ha-yamim is interested in
bolstering religious commitment to those institutions, and it insists that these
are sureties for God's protection.
Furthermore, the sefer aims to reinforce that Jerusalem upholds a
long history of correct religious orientation and it is the historic seat of
royal dynasty embraced by God. (And
Divrei Ha-yamim stylistically loves emotive speeches!) In the light of
all this, we understand the way it tells the Aviya story. Aviya's idolatry fails to further these
goals in any way.
The
story as told in Sefer Melakhim, on the other hand, is an expression of a
very different theme.
Melakhim is written with the images of churban fresh in
Yermiyahu's mind, and with the prophetic understanding that idolatry
specifically constituted the cause of that catastrophe. Yirmiyahu set out to write a book that
would identify any trace of Aviya's contribution to the tragic descent on the
path of idol worship.
With
this agenda in mind, Aviya, whose biological mother was most probably Michayahu,
as mentioned in Divrei Ha-yamim, is depicted as born to the kings most
dominant wife, Ma'acha.[3]
This Ma'acha is later depicted (15:13) as the mastermind behind the national
practice of idolatry. We read how
Aviya's son, Assa, removes her "mifletzet" a statue of sorts or an
object of worship and removes her from her position as "Gevira,"
apparently an influential court position with considerable influence.[4]
Sefer Melakhim's claim that Aviya is her son reinforces our perception of
the role of pagan influences in his early life. Sefer Melakhim is unforgiving of
any strains related to idolatry.
Even though it appears that Aviya served Hashem while concurrently
tolerating other religious phenomena, this syncretism is anathema to the
worldview of Sefer Melakhim.
There is zero tolerance for idolatry and hence absolute condemnation of
Aviya for not preventing these public pagan expressions.
A
RABBINIC VIEW
These
portrayls of Aviya still appear to be radically inconsistent. The Sages in the Yerushalmi
(Yevamot 16:3, also quoted in Bereshit Rabba 65:20) are unprepared
to tolerate the whitewashed image of Aviya as presented by Divrei
Ha-yamim. They question aspects
of his self-congratulatory speech:
Yerovam
could not muster strength again during the days of Aviya; God struck him down
and he died." R. Shmuel said: Do you think it was Yerovam [who died]? No - It
was Aviya! And why was he struck down?
R.
Yochanan said: Because he shamed Yerovam publically, as it states: "
a great
multitude and having with you the golden calves which Yerovam made as gods for
you" (13:8).
Resh
Lakish said: He ridiculed Achiya Ha-Shiloni, as its states: "
Worthless men
gathered about him, scoundrels
" (13:7).
Is he calling Achiya a scoundrel?
The
Rabbis said: Because idols came into his control but he failed to destroy
them. As it states: "Aviya pursued
Yerovam and captured some of his cities Beit-El" (13:18), and it states, "He
placed one in Beit El and the other in Dan" (12:29).
This
midrashic discussion critiques Aviya's impassioned declaration in Divrei
Ha-Yamim and raises deep questions.
Can Aviya legitimately depict Yerovam's rise to power as a power-grab by
an unlawful rabble when it was ordained by a prophet? Can Aviya claim the moral
high-ground when he himself failed to remove idolatry from Beit-El? By
extension, is it possible that Aviya, who exhibits tolerant tendencies towards
public manifestations of idolatry, is in any position to admonish Yerovam? Even
this public harangue, shaming King Yerovam, is condemned; after all, if Aviya
was serious about his criticism, he could have found private channels through
which to raise these matters for discussion with Yerovam.[5]
This
midrash closes the gap somewhat between the perfect image of Aviya in
Divrei Ha-yamim and the harsh judgement of Sefer Melakhim. Divrei Ha-yamim informs us
(13:22) that more information on the subject can be found in the "midrash
of the prophet Ido." One can only wonder what such a book might add to our
understanding of this king and his relationship with the prophet Ido.
ASSA
Assa
represents a welcome change in Yehuda.
Sefer Melakhim describes the removal of idolatrous icons and the
institution of the "kadesh" (15:12). Assa does not personally participate in
the bamot, although the nation still engages in their use (15:14). These are good times religiously for
Yehuda. Divrei Ha-yamim is
more detailed regarding Assa's biography than Melakhim, detailing a
spectacular military victory against the army of Zerakh Ha-Kushi from
Ethiopia.[6]
Furthermore, Divrei Ha-yamim seems to chart various stages of Assa's
religious strengthening, culminating in a covenantal "Brit" ceremony in
Assa's fifteenth year, which gives the nation an opportunity to restate their
allegiance to God after a protracted period in which there had been "no true
God, no guiding priest, and no Torah"(Divrei Ha-yamim
15:3).
THE
WAR WITH BAASHA[7]
In
Sefer Melakhim, the tense standoff between Assa and Ba'sha is described
rather telegraphically. We are left
to wonder what instigated the conflict.
Was Assa's policy of avoiding civil war a correct one? What exactly was
the "Rama" that Ba'asha built and why was it such a threat to
Yehuda?
Let
us try to fill in the gaps. It
appears that under Assa, Yehuda enjoyed a degree of stability. Politically, they were still led by the
House of David and a direct succession of kings. Their capital was stable. In contrast, Yisrael, the Northern
Kingdom, had experienced constant changes of government the House of David to
that of Yerovam and his son Nadav and, after Nadav's assassination, to Ba'asha
from the tribe of Yissachar. This
political instability took its toll on the Northern Kingdom, and we read of
wide-scale migration southwards to Yehuda:
and those who had settled from Efrayim, Menashe, and Shimon, for many had
defected from Yisrael when they saw that Hashem his God was with
him. (Divrei Ha-yamim
15:9)
This
population attrition from the North may be the most suitable explanation
available to us to explain the building of the Ramah -
to
prevent Assa, King of Yehuda, from going out or coming in. (15:17)
Ramah
is today's A-Ram, about 9 kilometers
north of Jerusalem, and it represented the border between the kingdoms. It seems that Ba'asha began to build a
huge fortification there. We hear
of buildings or structures (the text refers to the stones and timber in 15:22)
and also a moat or trench that was dug as a physical "separation barrier." We
hear about this trench in Sefer Yirmiyahu as well in the context of the
assassination of Gedalia. There,
after Gedalia and his men have been murdered, their bodies are deposited into a
pit:
The
cistern into which Yishamel threw all the corpses of the men he had killed in
the affair of Gedalia was the one that King Assa had constructed on account of
King Ba'asha of Israel.
(Yirmiyahu 41:9)
(It
is probable that the details of this pit are recorded in Yirmiyahu as a
deliberate reference to a different tragic era of internal conflict in which
Jews were fighting between themselves.)
Based
on this information, it seems that Ba'asha builds a wall and Assa digs a moat of
sorts in self-defense. The
bottom line is that the classic north-south road that provided a connection
between Yehuda and Yisrael was now blocked and impassable. This takes the division of the kingdom
to yet a deeper degree of separation.
Was
this physical barrier a declaration of war? Certainly this blockade restricted
entry to the country and provided a severe limitation on movement. Assa certainly perceived this as an act
of aggression. (A contemporary
comparison might be Egypt's blockade of the Straits of Tiran in
1967.)
BEN
HADAD AND ASSA'S SICKNESS
Assa's
solution is to make a military alliance with Syria. He essentially pays Ben Hadad to attack
Ba'asha's northern border. Ben
Hadad does so, capturing the entire "finger of the Galilee," from Iyun (near
Metulla) and Dan to the Kinneret.
This is a huge act of conquest and must have been a devastating war for
Ba'asha. A massive chunk of Yisrael
passes hands to the enemy.
Distracted by his problems in the north, Baasha abandons his southern
campaign.
How
is this act perceived? Does God approve of this action? The story of Assa
concludes with a strange detail:
Only,
in his old age, Assa suffered from a foot ailment. (15:23)
The
Rabbinic commentaries see this piece of information as a clue to God's
disapproval of Assa's actions:
He
suffered from a foot ailment: Because he sent to Ben-Hadad as if he himself had
no legs to go to war! Hence, God gave him this illness. (Ralbag)
Chazal
(Sota 10a) suggest a different reason for Assa's ailment. The Talmud suggests that this was God's
punishment. What was the sin? Assa
drafted Torah scholars and enlisted newlywed bridegrooms in his army. This enigmatic critique seems to suggest
that Assa had called a comprehensive military draft, using all the emergency
measures at his disposal and mobilizing even civilians who were ordinarily
exempt in a standard war, a "milchemet reshut." In this regard, he
overreacted, misjudging Ba'asha's motives and perceiving a simple power struggle
and a situation of muscle-flexing as an existential threat. His assessment was wrong and too
extreme. The blow inflicted in the
north was so severe that Assa was punished for his excessive zeal and his lack
of caution.
But
Divrei Ha-yamim contains a more explicit critique, in which the prophet
Channani berates Assa for relying on human means and not appealing to God for
help. In Divrei Ha-yamim,
this self-reliance rather than appealing to God is reinforced in Assa'a
sickness:
Assa
suffered from an acute foot ailment, but ill as he was, he still did not turn to
the Lord, but to physicians.
(Divrei Ha-yamim II 16:13)
It
is one thing to rely on doctors in a state of illness, but it is another thing
to induce a neighboring country to invade the Northern Kingdom! In that
situation, Assa should have sought an alternative.
The
innocuous statement in Sefer Melakhim concerning Assa's foot illness is a
good methodological illustration of the way that curious features of the terse
text of Sefer Melakhim are perceived as clues to deeper elements of the
story.
Next
week, we will turn our attention to the Northern Kingdom and chapter
16.
[1] Sefer
Melakhim
refers to him as Aviyam, whereas he is Aviya in Divrei Ha-yamim (without
the final mem).
[2] This phrase appears twice in the Torah (Vayikra 2:13 and
Bamidbar 18:19). It seems to
indicate an everlasting promise (as salt preserves things); see Rashbam. For more on this phrase,
see:
[3] See the solutions of the Radak and Ralbag in Sefer
Melakhim.
[4] Despite a severe paucity of sources on this topic, it would appear that
the "Gevira" is the main wife of the king. Certainly as regards Maacha, she appears
to have wielded significant influence concerning the nation's religious
orientation. See also
Melakhim I 11:19, referring to the Gevira in
[5] Bereshit
Rabba
goes even further, accusing Aviya of actively or passively demonstrating
disregard for human dignity by his attitude to the corpses of casualties of
war. This is an accusation of
cruelty, of an inability to stop the war.
The enormous casualty figure of a half a million soldiers seems to
indicate an overzealous desire to inflict death and destruction on Yerovam and
Yisrael, who are, after all Yehudas
brethren.
[6] Once again, this military campaign is replete with charismatic religious
speeches - see Divrei Ha-yamim 14:10 and God's immediate response. (The use of the verb NGF is common to
the Aviya and Assa accounts, as well as many other leading words and
phrases.)
[7] The
precise date of this war in Divrei Ha-yamim is highly
problematic. See Radak, who
assesses that 3 years are from the split of the
kingdom.